Much water has flowed in the river since the historic announcement by the Jewish Rabbinical Council in Germany, in 1897, that is, prior to the founding Zionist Conference in Basel, an announcement which condemned the Zionist idea of establishing a Jewish national homeland in Palestine. Among the reasons cited by those Orthodox circles was that the Zionist project provides a new understanding of Judaism, enabling a person to be a religious atheist and a good Jew at the same time, as Judaism was no longer merely a religion but had become, through the Zionist understanding of it, a nation, as well, one which conceptually permits the existence of non-religious Jews who do not adhere to religious teachings. Those circles thought that this posed a threat to Judaism, and that the Jewish existence could only be maintained by considering Judaism as a religion, not a nation,
Anti-Semitism, Zionism and the Question of Palestine
Since the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) adopted a new definition of anti-Semitism, the question of Palestine has entered a new phase, both morally and politically. As applicable, the new definition transforms the whole Palestinian narrative into one that can be characterised as anti-Semitic. It is of the view that the right of return and demand for a state of citizens in Israel seek to abolish Jewish privileges over Palestinian citizens, making both anti-Semitic claims. So is the case of anyone who dreams of a binational state in Historic Palestine or of one secular, liberal and egalitarian state. This ushers in a new stage of the war on Palestine’s narrative and just claims. It is true that these claims could not be realised so far. From now on, however, these mere claims become unlawful and anti-Semitic.
A new issue of Qadaya Israeliya
A special issue on Violence and Crime among Palestinians in Israel
Ramallah: The Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies (MADAR) has recently released Issue 77 of Qadaya Israeliya (Israeli Affairs). Titled “Palestinians in Israel: Violence, Crime and Organised Crime”, this issue monitors the scale and reflections of violence and crime in Israel, provides an analysis of the relevant socio-political and educational context, and unveils the role the confused relationship with the Police and state institutions play in nurturing this phenomenon.
This issue explores right-wing NGOs in Israel. The issue does not cover all aspects of the subject, but in view its importance, we will continue to publish relevant articles in upcoming issues.
The main theme of these articles is premised on an argument and view that the New Right Wing has not, and will not, suffice with seizure of power and government formation. It seeks tirelessly to acquire powerful positions and strongholds in the realms of civil and public life, first and foremost in NGOs active in the public space. These NGOs shape the public opinion, intellectual and
The main theme of this issue is Israel's elites and their transformations over the years. This important subject has not been adequately studied. An elite is a small group of individuals who have a profound influence over decision making in a society or country. By contrast, the general public is larger in number but has limited influence over decisions and may surface to the forefront only in major protests, long strikes, rebellions, or revolutions.
Much has taken place since Israel was established by its founders, who saw themselves as members of the socialist labour movement. These founders were of the view that the notion of social justice (within the Jewish community, of course) was a pivotal project and goal in their ideology and political practice. It seems that the halcyon days of the kibbutz had been long gone, however. As a socialist cooperative model, the kibbutz illustrated an advanced form of social and economic organising, as well as a distinctive feature and registered trademark of the State of Israel. When Israel was established, all state economic institutions, including in the health, mail, aviation, transportation and insurance sectors, were in the public domain. However, over the past three decades, neoliberal policies have managed to privatise and transfer these sectors to the private sector and individual property. All the more so, some apparently non-privatisable sectors, such as security and military facilities, have become prone to privatisation and profit-making.
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