On December 2, 2018, the Israeli police presented its recommendations in the case known as "Case 4000." They recommended filing charges against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his wife Sara for bribery, which is a serious offense under Israeli law, in addition to fraud and breach of trust.

Within this case, the police suspect that Netanyahu, who served as Minister of Communications alongside his role as Prime Minister in 2015, granted benefits to Shaul Elovitch, the owner of the Israeli telecommunications giant "Bezeq." In return, Elovitch allegedly provided favorable media coverage to Netanyahu and his family on the Israeli news website "Walla," which he owns.

The police also recommended filing the same charges against Shaul Elovitch, his wife Iris, and their son Or, as well as against the former CEO of Bezeq and a senior employee of the company. They also recommended charges against the businessman Zeev Rubinstein, who is close to both the Netanyahu and Elovitch families.

According to the recommendations, between the years 2012 and 2017, Netanyahu and Elovitch were involved in a mutually beneficial bribery relationship. As a result, individuals close to Netanyahu were able to openly and daily intervene in the content of the "Walla" website, and even influence appointments to certain positions there.

The police stated that since the beginning of the investigation into "Case 4000" in February 2018 until last November, they have interrogated 13 suspects under caution. They have collected testimonies from 60 witnesses, gathered substantial evidence including recordings and documents, and conducted investigations outside of Israel. The police mentioned that they have seized funds and assets belonging to several individuals involved in the case, estimated at 118 million shekels.

This case has taken a turn that personally threatens Netanyahu, particularly after his media adviser, Nir Hefetz, and the former Director-General of the Ministry of Communications, Shlomo Filber, turned into state witnesses against him.

It should be noted that there are suspicions against Netanyahu in two other corruption cases known as "Case 1000" and "Case 2000". The police have completed their investigations in these cases as well and recommended charging the Prime Minister with bribery.

In "Case 1000," it is suspected that Netanyahu received gifts worth one million shekels from wealthy Jewish individuals, including Arnon Milchan and Australian businessman James Packer, in exchange for providing them with services.

Regarding "Case 2000," it involves an unlawful deal between Netanyahu and the publisher of Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, Arnon (Noni) Mozes. In this deal, the Prime Minister would weaken the competing newspaper, Israel Hayom, which is supported by American tycoon Sheldon Adelson, in exchange for receiving more favorable coverage from Yedioth Ahronoth.

The reaction of Netanyahu and the opposition

Netanyahu attacked the Israeli police's recommendation to prosecute him in "Case 4000".

During a special event organized by the Likud party to celebrate the Jewish holiday of Hanukkah ("The Festival of Lights"), Netanyahu stated that the police's decision to publish their recommendations in Case 4000 on the last working day of the current Israeli police commissioner, Roni Alsheikh, confirms that there was a premeditated plan to bring him down.

Netanyahu pointed out that he was not surprised by the recommendations or their timing, and he added that the campaign of persecution against him and his family continues. He stated that since the first day of the investigations, it was clear that the police would make recommendations.

Netanyahu launched a fierce attack on the Israeli police force, indicating that the new police commissioner must undertake a comprehensive rehabilitation campaign for the force. He also claimed that public trust in the police force is no longer at its peak as it used to be.

Netanyahu once again denied any deals with the former director-general of Bezeq, the Israeli telecommunications company, and the owner of the Israeli news website Walla, Shaul Alonfich. He stated that during his tenure, Bezeq suffered significant losses due to his reformist policies, such as introducing unlimited internet service in Israel, which remains in effect to this day. Additionally, he mentioned that Walla provided extensive negative coverage against him during the previous general elections.

The Israeli political arena witnessed various reactions following the Israeli police's recommendation to prosecute the Prime Minister and his wife, Sara, on suspicion of bribery and misuse of credit in "Case 4000".

While the opposition called on Netanyahu to resign, Likud party ministers expressed their support for him.

The leader of the opposition, Knesset member Tzipi Livni (Zionist Camp), stated that Netanyahu should step down from his position before he destroys law enforcement authorities to save himself. She added that the Israeli people deserve an honest leadership and called for early general elections.

The leader of the Labor Party and the Zionist Camp alliance, Avi Gabbay, stated that Netanyahu has become a burden on Israel, and he must resign because he cannot continue to fulfill his duties due to the numerous corruption cases associated with him.

The head of the Zionist Camp faction, Knesset member Yoel Hasson, called on Netanyahu to resign and called for early elections.

The chairwoman of the Meretz party, Knesset member Tamar Zandberg, emphasized that a prime minister charged with the gravest crime in the Israeli legal system cannot continue to hold his position, not even for a minute.

On the other hand, Minister of Science Ofir Akunis (Likud) expressed his confidence in Netanyahu and affirmed that he will continue to lead the government for many years.

Minister of Culture and Sports Miri Regev (Likud) accused the Israeli Police Commissioner, Roni Alsheikh, of persisting in doing everything possible to create a larger echo upon his departure from his position.

Regev pointed out that after Alsheikh attempted to sabotage the appointment of his successor, he continues to seek prominent headlines in the press.

Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely (Likud) described the police recommendations as a scandal. She called on the Israeli Attorney General to examine the media's performance in this case before deciding on the police recommendations.

The legal advisor to the Israeli government, Avichai Mandelblit, stated that he will make his decision regarding accepting the police recommendations.

During a meeting held by the State Control Committee in the Knesset, Mandelblit noted that several months ago he increased the number of staff members examining this case to assist him in reaching the correct decision regarding it.

On the other hand, the legal advisor to the government defended the Israeli Police and affirmed his support for them in the face of all the attacks they are facing.

An unprecedented attack on legal institutions.

Netanyahu's attack on the state's legal institutions was unprecedented. While the Prime Minister had previously criticized these institutions, his recent speech was the most intense and violent.

By persisting with this rhetoric, Netanyahu attempts to present himself as a victim in the political scene, claiming that the old elite is still working to bring him down through investigations and legal pursuits. Netanyahu consistently adopts the narrative of being a persecuted victim, despite his government's extensive legislative and procedural efforts over the past decade to change existing systems and regulations, as well as reshaping the elites within state institutions. Even the appointment of the Police Chief in the last cycle was made in partnership with the Minister of Internal Security, Gilad Erdan.

Historian Oferi Elani considers the victimhood rhetoric, which Netanyahu has reinforced and turned into a personal and national political project, to have contributed to his leadership within the right-wing camp. He suggests that Netanyahu inherited the victimhood narrative from the Likud party and took it several steps further. However, one should also not underestimate the victimhood rhetoric he inherited from his family home.

Elani further comments on Netanyahu's role in transforming victimhood into a central narrative in his political rule:

"The ugly face of victimhood policy is particularly revealed in the state of Israel. According to its definition, Israel is the state of victimhood, a victim of the ultimate crime in modern history. It is governed by the Likud, a movement that was initially based on a victimhood discourse and led by an individual considered by his supporters as a victim of the media, the (old) elite, and the judiciary. The current state of Israel reflects a stage of moral and intellectual decline, which it has reached through its victimhood orientation."

Netanyahu adopts a populist discourse to counter the police recommendations to indict him. In addition to relying on the victimhood narrative and persecution, he appeals to his social base, which he maintains cohesion with by perpetuating the narrative of blending the old elite with the left. He considers the old leftist elite as attempting to overthrow Likud from power. These social segments prefer the right to remain in power, especially Netanyahu, even if indictments are filed against him. For them, democratic values and clean hands are not as important as preserving Likud in power under Netanyahu's leadership (or rather, dominance).

In addition to the aforementioned strategies, Netanyahu attempted to invoke a third discourse during this period to divert attention from his criminal issues, which is incitement against Arab citizens in Israel. Netanyahu joined the chorus calling for the prevention of Raja Za'atra, a member of the Democratic Front, from being appointed as Deputy Mayor of Haifa. Netanyahu systematically searches for minor issues related to Arab citizens and exploits them to address his racist audience on one hand and divert the discourse as much as possible by inciting against Arab citizens on the other hand.

Netanyahu exploits and constantly reproduces this situation through three elements:

First, the perpetual victimhood discourse, despite his presence in power for nearly ten years.

Second, a populist discourse that relies on maintaining the narrative of the right-wing being pursued by the influential left-wing elites (the deep state) in power, and their attempts to overthrow him outside the rules of the electoral game.

Third, incitement against Arab citizens in Israel on any occasion he deems necessary for personal and political reasons.

The Israeli electoral scene, at present, revolves around three factors following the police recommendation: 

The first factor is Netanyahu's own position.

Netanyahu continues to refuse resignation from his position or advancing the date of the general elections. He adopts a media and political strategy in which he suggests that the investigations were specifically intended to bring down the right-wing rule, the Likud party, and himself personally. Therefore, he will remain in his position for the time being and will not step down even after the police recommendations against him. This is the Israeli political norm in this matter, as the law allows the prime minister to remain in office until a final judicial decision is made. Netanyahu possesses strengths that allow him to take such a stance. On the one hand, he represents the overall success of the right-wing and specifically the success of the Likud party. His presence ensures the Likud's victory in the elections, at least according to opinion polls, and the majority of Likud's base will not hold him accountable for his corruption charges, nor will his popularity among them be affected by the police recommendations. Consequently, Likud members, including ministers, Knesset members, and party leaders, have not come forward to challenge Netanyahu on this matter, and no one has dared to demand his resignation or early elections. Therefore, Netanyahu does not face internal challenges within the ruling party regarding his legitimacy. There is no revolt against his absolute leadership within Likud or his position as the head of the government, even after the police recommendations. This drives Netanyahu to act as if nothing has happened and even launch attacks against law enforcement institutions. Furthermore, no one within Likud is making any moves, and some ministers and Knesset members actually support his position, defending him and adopting his aggressive stance against the police. In light of this, Netanyahu and his stance are one of the important factors shaping the electoral scene in Israel. Until now, he insists on remaining in his position and governing the state as if there were no police recommendations against him.

The second factor: the government's legal advisor.

The government's legal advisor, Avichai Mandelblit, plays a significant role in shaping the electoral scene in Israel. Some believe that his adoption or rejection of the police recommendations will impact the electoral landscape. Parties within the coalition government, as well as individuals within Likud, are likely to align their stance on the issue with the position of the government's legal advisor. If the legal advisor adopts the police recommendations, it could potentially lead to the dissolution of the coalition. On the other hand, if the legal advisor does not endorse the police recommendations, it strengthens Netanyahu's position in the Israeli political and electoral scene.

This factor is crucial because if the government's legal advisor adopts the police recommendations, the pressure on Netanyahu will intensify. Legally, Netanyahu can continue in office until a final judicial decision is reached. However, it would be challenging for him to find partners in his government if the legal advisor endorses the police recommendations, even if Likud decides to keep him as the party's leader and participate in the elections with him. Conversely, if the government's legal advisor rejects the police recommendations, it further strengthens Netanyahu's position in the political scene and reinforces the narrative of persecution and victimhood in his rhetoric.

The problem with this factor is that the decision of the government's legal advisor has not been issued yet, and it is delayed in this matter. Even after taking a stance, it gives Netanyahu's lawyer the right to respond to the decision of the legal advisor in a hearing at the latter's office.

 Third factor: the members of the government coalition.

The electoral scene is also influenced by the stance of the members of the government coalition towards the police recommendations. Based on their positions, it appears that the police recommendations have not caused a significant rift within the government. They claim to be awaiting the decision of the government's legal advisor and the severity of the charges against Netanyahu. Two parties within the coalition, Kulanu, led by Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon, and the Jewish Home party, led by Education Minister Naftali Bennett, have adopted this position. Both parties have emphasized that they are awaiting the decision of the government's legal advisor before taking a stance on Netanyahu and his leadership. As for the remaining parties in the coalition, namely the religious parties Shas and United Torah Judaism, they support the continuation of the government under Netanyahu's leadership in all circumstances, in accordance with Israeli law.

Conclusion:

Recent opinion polls indicate that Netanyahu's standing has not been affected by the police recommendations made against him in cases such as Case 4000 and the previous cases. These recommendations have not shaken his popular support. Many writers have attributed this to the irrational state of mind that characterizes the social base of the Likud party, whose members often act with emotional attachment and glorification of their leader, resembling an archaic tribal tendency.

In this context, it is worth noting another point that some of these party members are convinced by Netanyahu's narrative that he is being pursued by an elite establishment, and that there is a double standard in the legal treatment of Netanyahu compared to other figures. They believe that this elite, in collaboration with the left, ultimately aims to overthrow Likud's rule and the right-wing, as Netanyahu has been propagating for years.

Recent opinion polls conducted in the past few weeks indicate that the Likud party's representation in the Knesset remains stable, at the very least. Meanwhile, the "Yesh Atid" party, led by Yair Lapid, comes in second place with a significant margin of twelve seats. This confirms that, according to all the recent surveys, Likud and Netanyahu are likely to continue leading the Israeli government.

As for the current Israeli opposition, the debate mainly revolves around the possibility of the former Chief of General Staff, Benny Gantz, entering the political arena. This can either be through leading a new party, joining the ranks of the Labor Party and assuming its leadership, or joining a large opposition bloc like the one proposed by Tzipi Livni, the leader of the "Movement" party and the current opposition leader. In this regard, criticism of the leader of the Labor Party, Avi Gabbay, has increased in recent months, particularly in the recent period due to the decline of the Labor Party in opinion polls, placing it in third position in terms of parliamentary representation, after the "Yesh Atid" party.